Interviewed by Nforngwa Ndiboti Eugene (The Herald)
Why is it important for Independents to run for elections?
The participation of Independent candidates in every election translates into political reality the repossession of popular sovereignty and democratic legitimacy by all the citizens. Party formation is founded on the will of a section of the people prepared ostensibly to articulate the people’s interest by electoral then representative democracy. But above all, democracy is rooted in the concept of choices and options. Independent candidacy is one of those options that expands democratic space, that focuses on individual merit, that addresses issues specific to the electorate and that provides an opportunity for the young men and women to actively participate in politics.
In the case of Cameroon, our democratic march is being stalled because of voter disenfranchisement and electoral abstention and part of the reasons is the gradual loss of faith in party systems especially among young people. Indeed, how many young people between the ages of 21 and 35 are registered in political parties?
Independent candidacy therefore provides an alternative framework of representation needed to revitalize the democratic development both as a model and a socio-economic contract between the electorate and the elected in Cameroon.
What prompted the initiative to lobby for easing participation of Independents in elections?
The Committee for the participation of Independent candidates that took the initiative to lobby for participation of Independents is composed of patriotic Cameroonians who for the last 15 years have, sometimes at their peril, contributed to the democratic debate in Cameroon. We did not fight to throw off the yoke of one-party tyranny only to embrace the folklore of multiparty anarchy. Anyone with a keen political eye, must have observed that short of returning to a monolithic system, we are on the brink of a dominant rainbow coalition of parties scenario with its attendant manifestations of opulent prebendalism by a few and a conspicuous pauperization of a greater number. Yet Cameroon is not in short supply of a human capital with a vision that can jumpstart a veritable Cameroonian Renaissance. What these human resources are asking for is to be liberated from the monopoly of party politics and to be put on the same pedestal with party loyalists so together they can take our country from its New Deal to a new frontier.
How does the electoral code in current use make the participation of individual candidates difficult?
The present electoral code does not permit Independent candidates to run for municipal and legislative elections and when you know that local governance is intimately linked with candidate profile then you would understand how unfortunate it is to favour public officers who rather owe their loyalty to party hierarchy rather than their constituencies. As for independent candidates acceding to the Presidency, it was unheard of before 1983. It was thanks to the spirited and solitary fight of Anthony Ngunjoh and Abel Eyinga that it became a subject of debate later on. All of this is recorded in a new authoritative book called “Men of Courage” authored by Churchill Monono. President Paul Biya takes the credit for permitting Independents to run for Presidency (Decree of 1st December 1983) with the proviso that such a candidate must have stayed in the country for 5 years and must produce 500 legalised signatures from members of Parliament, consular chambers, councilors and first class chiefs. Through law no.92/010 of 7 September 1992, President Biya reduced the legalized signature condition to 300. The truth is that no Independent has succeeded to fulfill this draconian condition since 1997.
What reforms are needed to make it easier for Independents?
We are all aware that a team of Commonwealth Experts, including an Expert from Francophone Africa is working with a Ministerial committee to examine the modalities for establishing an Independent Electoral Managing body in Cameroon. This implies that the electoral code needs to be modified as well and anyone interested in an Independent electoral commission cannot be indifferent to independent candidacy.
A modified electoral code should allow for independent candidates to vie for municipal and legislative elections and the 300-signature condition for Presidency be dropped. On the other hand, conditions like length of stay in the country, campaign funding, financial deposits etc should be instituted so that the Independent candidacy option does not become another political adventure. I prefer to leave such details to constitutional experts since our committee is more preoccupied now with the participation of Independent candidate principle.
You want independents as early as 2007 (municipal and parliamentary elections). Why the urgency?
In most of my writings, I have argued that democracy is not just about setting up parties or organizing elections. It is more about improving the life of the people. Democracy is a means to a goal. To be fanatical about party entitlement without assessing its impact on one’s life is to live a life of democratic illusion. Once the institutions or structures of democracy have been put in place, it behoves upon the leadership to start focusing on the dividends of democracy. No one can deny that by our country’s historical perspective we have made more strides in our democratic renewal than say 20 years ago, but in the context of African democratic peer review monitoring we need a fast multi-track democratic engagement.
Here we are, still talking of an Independent electoral commission when countries like Benin, Mali, Tanzania, Cote d’Ivoire etc have had it since 1990. We are still talking of Independent candidates in 2007 when Swaziland’s senate in 1993 produced 30 independents, Rwandese local government election of 2000 was candidate-based and the Malian and Beninese people decided in 2002 and 2006 respectively to vote Independent candidates as Presidents of their countries. What democratic ingredients do these fellow African countries have that has made them to see the urgency of installing indigenous and people-centered democratic structures which in comparison drowns our 2007 Independency candidacy clarion call into a belated déjà-vu?
You could have had amendments through initiating a private members bill. Why did you choose to write a Memo to the president, instead?
We are exploring all formal avenues of advocacy that should lead to legislation. The private member bill option has not been left out. But we are realistic to the fact that President Biya has been the prime mover of the independent candidacy file as I mentioned to you earlier. As a civil society group that we are, we also know that any true democracy is founded on the constructive engagement between all the arms of power.
The civil society is the fourth estate of the realm and it should be able to have the ears of the executive judiciary and legislature. I hope the other arms of power as well as concerned Cameroonians and development partners will now seize this avenue to market the Independent candidate project, which we have launched.
Other remarks?
Our committee is happy to note that Sections 63, 77 and 107 of the electoral code just released by the National Episcopal Conference makes mention of the participation of Independent candidates at all levels of our elections unconditionally. We also note with relief that the bill on the election of Senators and Regional Councilors recently tabled to the present session of parliament recognizes the fact that a percentage of the members shall be drawn from the civil society as Independents. Lest we forget, the Tripartite of 1991 was a meeting of government, parties and Independents. What this all sums to is that the principle of independent candidacy in Cameroon has an official stamp of democratic legitimacy. What is of relevance now is its humane and practical constitutional or electoral legality.
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