This paper examines a conceptual framework of international conflict dynamics and resolution surrounding the Bakassi peninsula dispute between Cameroon and Nigeria and outlines intra-community tensions after its peaceful resolution through the International Court of Justice (ICJ) verdict in 2002 and handing over of the Bakassi peninsula to Cameroon in 2008.
Although this peace initiative and pacific settlement has reduced armed conflict, it has unwittingly and paradoxically become a trigger factor for simmering tensions which threaten renewed violence as non-confrontational actors have now shifted conflict issues to primordialism (identity-based), resources (interest-based) and refusal to abide by the ICJ decision (values-based). The latest violence of 13th February 2015 in which pirates attacked a police boat at sea in the peninsula killing a Police Inspector and kidnapping a Police Commissioner is a core indicator that renewed armed violence cannot be ruled out in the peninsula.
Today 6th March 2015 marks the 58th anniversary of the Independence of Ghana. Ghana being the first African country to have gained Independence is still like her other African countries tottering on the trajectory of positive peace. And the words of Kwame Nkrumah still resonate with this reality today. "Besides, political independence, though worthwhile in itself, is still only a means to the fuller redemption and realization of a people. When independence has been gained, positive action requires a new orientation away from the sheer destruction of colonialism and towards national reconstruction. It is indeed in this address to national reconstruction that positive action faces its gravest dangers”.
Today, July 18, 2011 marks the ninety-third birthday of Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela. Happy birthday Madiba. Clearly the Mandela moment is still to fizzle out. Frail, fragile and discreet, Nelson Mandela's towering presence and aura still invade the privacy of South Africa's life and, by extension, the corridors of global attention.
Conflicts during elections, especially at the Presidential level in Africa, have become a special trademark.
Because of the centralized systems of governance where power, perks and prestige are accumulated at the helm of state, conflicts may occur before, during and after elections depending on the content and context against which they are held.
The magnitude of mayhem meted out on Libya by the Western Allied Forces under the mask of an emasculated United Nations and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) for the last three months has been unprecedented in recent times.
Pulling the wool over the eyes of the world into believing that Libya is undergoing a homegrown liberation catharsis akin to the genuine pro-democracy revolution in Tunisia and Egypt, NATO has succeeded in massacring innocent civilians and in shelling the towers of Tripoli into ruin and rubble.
Positive War A war of Independence was fought by 17 sub-Saharan African countries in 1960 ostensibly with the flagship objective of overthrowing the colonial yoke that was foisted on them during the 1884-1885 Berlinisation. It was a war that culminated in 1994 in South Africa with the symbolic erosion of the institutional structures of apartheid. Any war that goes against the grain of structural prebendalism, any war that resonates with the legitimate aspiration of the oppressed, any war that buys into the liberation theology of self-governance and people-driven ownership is positive.
Introduction Most scholarly publications on the Niger Delta conflict in Nigeria attest to the fact that the proximate and structural factors are related to natural resources (oil), environmental degradation and political governance.
Yet since 1900 what is now known as the Niger Delta and which is today home to thirty-one million people, 70.000 square kms and more than forty ethnic groups presents a case on how the major conflict factors can be ethnicised hence the term ‘extra-oil’ conflict. This essay seeks to provide the historical background of the inter-ethnic conflict, theconflict stages, the challenges faced in resolving this conflict in tandem with other conflicts and the recommendations for identity-based conflicts in the Niger Delta region.
The concept of “Wise” in the traditional African point of view is linked to how age and experience relate to the ingredients of wisdom and counselling. Equipped with foresight, moral authority, respect,self discipline and moderation, wise connotes a high sense of maturity often attributed to the Elderly and a high flavour of human glue needed to bond conflicting parties. The concept dates back to the village male chauvinist tradition whereby old men were required to sit under a tree during moonlight to take decisions on the village often by consensus in what is now called “the palaver theory”. The proverb ‘what an old man can see seated, a young man cannot see standing’ lends credence to the confidence bestowed on the elderly in Africa hence the motivation of the African Union to establish an institution known as The Panel of the Wise (The Panel) within the Peace and Security Council and the fundamental urge to solve African problems through African solutions.
Clearly the Mandela moment is still to fizzle out. Twenty years after his release from prison (1990) and eleven years after his brief stint as President of South Africa (1994-1999), Nelson Mandela’s towering presence and aura still invade the privacy of South Africa’s life and by extension the corridors of global attention.
A statue of Nelson Mandela stands outside the gates of Drakenstein Correctional Centre (formerly Victor Verster Prison), near Paarl in Western Cape province, February 10, 2010. REUTERS/Finbarr O'Reilly
Yet South Africa has to be robust enough in forging a tapestry of a post-Mandela nation at a time when the ninety-one year old icon has legitimately withdrawn to the confines of family life.